What is the nature of relationship between a poet’s vision and his external societal social environment or the social realities and their perceptions? Do the perceptions of realities by a creative soul—say, a poet—conform to the objective realities as they are outside him? Is the creative urge/vision of a poet shaped by his social concerns or independent of them, as the abstractionists believe? Makhdoom is a subject apt for studying these questions against his experiences during different social, political and cultural spheres of his life. Makhdoom emerged as a “progressive” poet before the emergence of “Progressive movement” in Indian literature. If by “progressive” writer we mean a write who creatively conceives of society as a dynamic system of life based on the values of peace, justice and equality for all and depicts it as such in his /her writings, then, Makhdoom did not wait for a ‘progressive movement’ and the membership of ‘Progressive Writers’ Association’ (PWA) to acquire that description. He was “progressive” even before 1936 when the first conference of writers was convened and the PWA was established. In fact, the Progressive Movement, itself, was the outcome of the social, economic and political turmoil that was taking place in the country since the 1920s. Sajjaad Zaheer has explained this situation in detail. Fascism projected by the World War 11 totally changed not only the nationalistic approaches in Europe and in the West, as a whole, but it also threatened to become a new agent, besides the British imperialism, of exploitation in the Asian region. Groups of Progressive writers, including socialists and as well as democratic humanists were emerging in Europe and America to meet this great challenge to humanity. The Russian Revolution and Russo-Japan War were the turning points in the medieval societies of the slumbering East. In the Indian sub-continent, a similar trend of resistance was gaining shape. Resistance was growing stronger against the British imperialism in the forms of movements of national awakening, Civil disobedience, Swadeshi , the struggles of the peasants and workers and establishment of workers’ organizations. Outside, the Balkan Wars and the war in Tripoli waged by the European colonialists received scathing attacks from the Urdu writers, specially, in poetry. The Khilaafat Movement of the 1920s, although short-lived, was, perhaps, the first major political agitation of both Muslims and the Hindus against British international hegemony. Freedom Movement had already engulfed the sub-continent. The atmosphere was full of all these elements of revolutionary changes that, much later in the 1930s, were adopted by the Progressive Movement in Urdu literature. Iqbal had already offered the powerful concepts of “power’ (taaqat) and, “movement” (harakat) in social dynamics (including that of Socialism).New literary instruments including non-traditional metaphors and symbols were devised for the treatment of social issues. It is in this context that Sibt-i Hasan, a leading progressive theoretician, rejects the view that the movement of Progressive literature was imported from outside. He points out that before Sajjaad Zaheer emerged on the scene anti-imperialist and anti-feudal trends had already been finding expression in Urdu literature. Poets like Josh Malihaabaadi and Makhdoom were targeting such anti-democratic and anti-people political institutions. There was emerging a very powerful critique of certain oppressive social traditions, customs and ethical norms. “Angaare”, a collection of short stories by Sajjaad Zaheer, Rasheed Jahaan, Ahmad Ali and others (which was condemned in certain quarters and was banned.) was published in 1934. Akhtar Husain Raa’ipoori’s essay, “Adab aur Zindagi” and the writings of Majnun Gorakhpoori and Niyaaz Fatehpoori had re-introduced the indissoluble link between literature and various dimensions of life. This had been emphasized earlier during the first decade of the 20th century by Altaaf Husain Haali and Muhammad Husain Aazaad. All these developments took place before the Progressive Movement was launched in 1936. Thus, the concept of literature being a mirror of hard facts of life, reflecting the values of freedom and social equality and struggle against imperialism—-that became the basis of ‘progressivism’—had already been a part of Makhdoom’s poetic vision. Instead of presuming Makhdoom as a Marxist or a ‘progressive’, it would be more meaningful to follow the evolution of his poetic vision through his poetic responses to various emotional and political situations experienced by him at different stages of his life and, then, let the description shape itself. Certain significant comments on his creative journey made by him during intimate conversations in 1966 at his home in the Old MLAS’ Quarters in Hyderabad would be helpful in having some idea of such an evolution. Makhdoom (1908-1969) started wring poetry in 1933 when he was a college student in Haidaraabaad and had not yet been exposed to the political and social conditions around. During summer vacations, he used to go to nearby villages like Sangareddi and Patancheru. His first poetic compositions—Toor, Saagar Ke Kinaare and Tilangaanaa—product of his excursions in the villages, are reflective of pure aesthetic experiences of innocent feminine beauties by a young man. These poems were written a year before he became familiar with Marxism and was affiliated to the Communist Party of India around 1934. He became a regular member of the Party in 1940. At this early stage, he came under the influence of Qaazi Nazrul Islam, Naazim Hikmat and some Spanish poets. He was introduced to Nazrul Islam by Akhtar Husain Raa’ipoori who, along with another literary figure, Sibt-e Hasan, was in Haidaraabaad, working with the ‘progressive’ Urdu daily, Payaam, edited by another eminent Urdu writer, Qaazi Abdul Ghaffaar. Among the poets of the subcontinent, Makhdoom was attracted, mainly, towards the aesthetic treatment, longings for power, spirit of protest and anti-exploitation passions of Josh Malihaabaadi (who was in Hyderabad at that time) and Iqbal. The lyricism of Akhtar Sheeraani also influenced his poetic sensibilities. He also liked Ameer Meenaa’i of the classical tradition for his subtle use of words and modes of treatment of the theme of love. However, his favorite poet was Anees. The poetic sensibilities expressed in his poems and ghazals amply reflect the influences of all these early sources of inspirations—–Iqbal’s religious diction and demands for change, the loud and challenging style of versification of Josh and the romanticism of Akhtar Sheeraani. Tagore‘s influence is discernible in his occasional flights into the spiritual realms. Another influence that he mentions was that of Niyaz Fatehpuri whose sentimentalism (Shihaab ki Sarguzasht, a novel in a romantic style which was popular in 1930s and 40s) and rationalism (Man-o-Yazdaan, a collection of his articles on religion published in his periodical, Nigaar), together, had made a deep impact on young Makhdoom’s mind right from 1928. His first poem with political overtones was, Baaghi, (The Rebel), written in 1934. This poem was first published under the title, Muflis, (The Poor), but later, on the suggestion of Akhtar Husain Raa’ipoori and Sibt-e Hasan, it was changed to Baaghi. That was the time when the Indian political atmosphere was echoing with the slogans of “revolution through force”. He had developed a liking for the political position taken by the leftists in the Indian national Congress (particularly, Nehru) and for the Communist Party of India. Perhaps, Baaghi is the first Urdu poem initiating the trend of purely non-lyrical political poetry of the Progressive poets of late 1940s, like Ali Sardar Ja’fri, Kaifi A’zami and Zaheer Kashmiri.

I will break the shackles of the prisoners Let me liberate the world from the clutches of poverty Let me eliminate the distinctions of religion and communities

Baaghi is a poor man’s declaration of rebellion —the first political reaction of Makhdoom and, perhaps, of the progressivism in the realm of Urdu literature. This is followed by a period of two years during which he wrote about ten love poems including, Javaani, Shaa’ir, Intizaar, Pichhle pahar ke chaand se, Sajdah, Lamhah, Rukhsat, Yaad hae, Barsaat, Intisaab and Maut Kaa Geet and one poem on nature. In 1936 and 1937, three political poems, Jang, Mashriq, and Maut kaa geet, were written. Jang was inspired by the Spanish civil war. He was greatly impressed by the speeches of the secretary of Spanish Communist party secretary, La Peshza. Sibt-i Hasan describes Jang as the first political poem of Makhdoom and the first voice of protest by any Urdu poet against Fascism. The ‘rebel’ Makhdoom of 1933 refers to the war in his Jang of 1936 and addressing one who is a believer in the Divine authority of the created world—-(most probably, Tagore)— to have a look at the loss of human blood in the Spanish civil war and asks if there is any abode of peace left in the world for human beings. Makhdoom, himself, had no answer to this question; instead, he calls upon him who sings songs in the Divine Assembly and pleads him to have a look at the bloddbath in the world of his God. It is intriguing why his wish for an abode of peace for humanity led him to seek the help of some Divine power. It seems that, although he had accepted Communism as a theory of human welfare, it had not, yet, become a part of his emotional self. He was not sure who could stop the march of Fascism. His references to the Rahmat-i Dauraan and the Hamiyyat-i Yazdaan (reminding Iqbal’s lyrical diction) rather reflect Makhdoom’s still alive spiritual longings than to affiliations to any Islamic metaphysical concepts, as such. When asked, Makhdoom clarified that the source of his ‘spiritual’ longing was not religion or Iqbal—it could have been inspired more by Tagore’s poetic transcendental spiritualism. It appears that till 1936, he was still carrying the baggage of his socio-religious tradition. The next political poem written in 1937 is Mashriq (The East) in which he described the East as the abode of ignorance, superstition, hunger and illness. Makhdoom explained that it was written as a reaction to Iqbal’s glorification of the East in comparison with the West. He even sent it to Iqbal reminding him that he had ignored the role of imperialism in the destruction of the East. The intensity of Makhdoom’s reaction may be gauged by his description of the East, as najaasat kaa makaan, mareez-i diq, nangi na’sh be-gor-o-kafan, be-aavaaz dhol. This poem expresses Makhdoom’s clear disillusionment with religion as a system of social equality. It is in this poem that he calls Khudaa(God) as the creation of superstition (vahm zaa’idah). Third, the poem shows that Makhdoom has selected the ultimate purpose of his life —demolition of the society shaped by death and, in its place, the creation of a new world and a new Adam.

This earth created by death would be destroyed And a new world and a new Adam would shaped

This couplet can be taken as the first political statement of the Progressive Movement. The third political poem in this series was Maut kaa geet (Song of Death) that was, interestingly, described by Sibt-i Hasan, one of the ideologue of Progressive Movement, as “adabi dahshat-pasandi”(literary terrorism)! Apart from Sibt-i Hasan’s comment reflective of the early extremist stream of Progressive movement, this poem signifies a decisive stage in Makhdoom’s political and social thinking—denial of any constructive social role for religion, unconditional loyalty to the cause of the poor, fierce hatred against capitalism and exploitation and a stirring call for destroying the prevailing exploitative system. It is to be noted that while in his poem, Jang, he seeks Divine help for establishing a just society, in this poem, Maut Kaa Geet, he invokes earthquakes, whirlwinds and the winds of hell for creating a new world and a new Adam. More than a poetic composition, it was an emotional outburst against the plight of the poor and the weak under the ruthless domination of the imperialists and the capitalists. After 1938, his political poetry and his perceptions-turned-concepts, appear to be acquiring concrete shape. From 1938 to 1948, he wrote about twenty seven poems out of which eighteen were devoted to political themes. It was a period of the most powerful expression of his thought-provoking and technically most perfect poems like Andhera, Haveli and Jang-i aazaadi. One poem, Aazaadi-I vatan, was written in 1938 in the background of the Satyagraha movement of the Congress. At that time, Vande Mataram and Mulki movements were at their peak. Makhdoom was against the Mulki movement and in favor of Hindustani, and not Dakani, identity. In another poem, Jahaan-I nao, (the new world) the unique expression, Saaz-i inqilaab (musical instrument of revolution) was used, perhaps, for the first time. During this period, he had also formed an opinion about Iqbal; for him, Iqbal, more than an Islamic poet, was Aatish-navaa (one with a voice full of fire), Naqeeb-i zindagi (harbinger of life). Haveli, written in 1938, is a loud narration of the decaying process of the structure of feudal class of the Hyderabad state. This poem, again, reminds us of his deep hatred of Capitalism and his critical approach towards the role of religion in society. During all these years, Makhdoom’s criticism of religion may not have been against Islam, as such, but appears to be directed more at the political environment of the Haidaraabaad state when the concept of an Islamic state (of Haidaraabaad) advocated by Bahaadur Yaar Jang of the powerful political party, Majlis-i Ittihaadul Muslimin, was being hotly debated as a political option in the context of the post-Independence political scenario. In fact, during this period, there is no evidence of any anti-religion element in the emerging Progressive movement, in general, or any anti-religious attitudes in the writings of Progressive writers. It is interesting to note that immediately after Haveli he wrote a love poem, Woh (She). Makhdoom explained that this poem was the result of a feeling of an emotional thirst (tishnagi) that he experienced after penning Haveli. Musaafir, written during the same period in 1939, was on Mahatma Gandhi’s Satyagrah. He recited the poem to the Mahatma in Wardha, but could not get his opinion as he was observing mon barat(fast of silence). Poems, Sipaahi and Inqilaab were written almost simultaneously. He was in Lukhnow when he listened to a faqir singing a song in raag jogia. He got totally fascinated. On his return-journey in train, he was still under its spell. It produced the poem, Sipaahi (the Indian soldier)—asking him why he was going to fight along with the British forces (in World War 11) while his own land was suffering with poverty and oppression. Makhdoom used to recite the poem in the same raag jogia. Another important poem of that period was Andheraa. Both these poems convey human misery of war and hopes for peace. Other political poems in this series revolve round the passion for revolt. Cognition of the ‘wounds of civilization’ (tahzeeb ke zakhm) in the background of the World War, appear to be liberating Makhdoom from ideological bonds. Other political poems of this period are Jang-i aazaadi and Telangaanaa. According to Makhdoom, Telangaanaa was written as desired by Govind Vidyaarthi, a scholar of Progressive literature produced in about eighteen languages of India and abroad. An extremely stirring poem, Qaid, was penned in 1951 when he was serving a prison sentence in Nalgonda jail, charged with murder. The first listener of this poem was the jailor! Seven of the nineteen poems written after the Police Action (military action by the Indian Union government against the Haidaraabaad state leading to its merger to the Indian Union) and included in his second collection, Gul-i Tar, are on political issues. The rest are love poems. This was the period during which the Telangaanaa Armed Movement was suspended and the Communist Party of India had decided to continue the resistance struggle but in a constitutional way. It is interesting to note that 23 out of 30 poems and 16 ghazals written after Surkh Savera are totally non-political and on themes of love. Does this in any way indicate a shift in his post-Surkh Savera poetic vision? It certainly appears to be so. His poem, Chaaraagar, (1956) suggests this. This poem—one of the great poetic creations in Urdu, can be counted not only as the best representative of his aesthetic sensibilities but it also depicts a sort of reassessment of his own social and political commitments:

Chaaraagar ek chambili ke mandvay tale maikade se zara door us mor par do badan piyaar ki aag men jal ga’e piyaar harf-i vafaa piyaar un kaa Khuda piyaar un ki chitaa do badan os men bhgte, chaandni men nahaate hu’e jaise do taazaa roo, taazaa dam phool pichhle pahar thandi thandi subuk rao chamn ki havaa sarf-I maatam hu’i aik pal ke liye ruk ga’i ham ne dekhaa unehn din men aur raat men noor-o-zulmaat men masjidon ke minaaron ne dekhaa unehn mandiron ke kivaaron ne dekhaa unehn maekade ki daraaron ne dekhaa unehn az azal ta abad yeh bataa, Chaaraagar! teri zambeel men nuskha-I kemiya-I muhabbat bhi hae? kuch ilaaj-o-madvaa’e ulfat bhi hae?? ek chambili ke mandvay tale maekade se zaraa door, us mor par do badan chaaraagar! Chaaraagar(TheAalchemy of Love) Under the canopy of jasmine flowers Not very far from the tavern, at the turn of the road Two bodies burnt themselves out in the fire of love, Love, the word of devotion, Love, their god, Love, their pyre! Two bodies drenched in dew, Bathed in moonlight Like two freshly bloomed flowers, at the break of dawn, The cool morning breeze seemed To rue their fate, And, for a moment, stopped blowing Watched by us, In the day and at night, In brightness and in darkness The towers of the mosque watched them, The portals of the temples watched them From beginning to end! Tell me, o physician mine, Do you have in your collection of pills and potions? The anodyne of love The elixir of love The elixir which restores and energizes? Under the canopy of jasmine flowers Not very far from the tavern, at the turn of the road, Two bodies Chaaraagar! ( English rendering by Taqi Ali Mirza)

Now, for him, love (piyaar) is a commitment or faithfulness (vafaa) for ones beloved; love is God for the lovers and, also, their pyre (chitaa). At the end of this declaration, comes the vital question that had been confronting Makhdoom for years during the second phase of his poetic life. He asks the Chaaraagar, that is, one with solutions of every problem, “Does he, at all, have any prescription of the alchemy of love (nuskha-i keemia’e muhabbat)?” One may wonder as to who this Chaaraagar is to whom Makhdoom has put this question. Was this Chaaraagar Communism — an ideology which he has been following in his life and which was not offering any response to his emotional yearnings? Again, it is interesting to note that the title for his collected poetic works (kulliyaat), Bisaat-i Raqs, ( Floor of Dance) was selected by him from one of his own couplets in his poem, Raqs (Dance, 1958), and not, Sadaa’e Teesha, ( Call of the axe) from the same couplet which would have been closer to his political ideology. The couplet is as follows:

I pray this dance-floor be wider and wider The call of the axe be fruitful and the kohkan be victorious

(Kohkan= There is a legend in Persian literature of the Sasanian king Khusrau sending his rival Farhad in exile to the mountain, Be-Sutun, with the impossible task of carving stairs out of cliff rocks. Hence Farhad became known as Kohkan, the cutter of the mountain.) Makhdoom’s return in to his inner self becomes more eloquent in his poem Chaand Taaron ka Ban (Forest of moon and stars, 1958)—one of the most aesthetically and socially pregnant poems ever written in Urdu. Beginning with a political theme and touching upon the positive and negative features of the contemporary situation, he invites his co-travelers to proceed towards the destinations of love (piyaar), of the Cross (saleeb)—of the beloved:

There are the last moments of night and some darkness, as well There is also emerging some light of the dawn Friends! Join hands! Let us advance towards our destination! Destinations of love! Destinations of the gallows! Destinations of the beloved! Each one carrying ones own Cross on ones own shoulders, advance!

The evolution of a poetic vision of a (Muslim) middle socio-religious personality, through a revolt against traditional religious belief system and institutions in to an uneasy adjustment between ‘social realism’ and ‘aesthetic sensibility’ is evident in the two distinct stages of his creativity as reflected in his two collections of poetry—-Surkh Savera (1944) and, Gul-i Tar (1961). He was himself acutely conscious of what could appear as a mutually conflicting material-spiritual dualism in his sensibilities. In his introduction to Gul-i Tar, written on July24, 1961, he refers to this difference and offers his own interpretation of it. This brief statement coming from an eminent progressive poet is very significant for having an inside view of the nature of the inter-relationship between a poet’s perceptions of social realities and his creative poetic vision. It has not been noticed that this statement answers several questions raised by the critics of the Progressive literary theory who believe that in the Progressive movement aesthetic sensibilities were almost displaced by social realism. Admitting that the poetry in Gul-i Tar would appear to the readers to be different from that of Surkh Savera in terms of craft, matter, subjects and the aesthetic content, he feels that this difference reflects some thing new produced by the difference between one’s own age, experiences and the nature of contemporary period ad those of the era gone by. This indicates social and intellectual evolution. And, still, humanism and aesthetic sense are common to both the eras. Poetry, he continues, in spite of the being controlled by time and space, is time-less. A poet lives several lives within his one life-time. With the changes in society, human sentiments and emotions also change– except human instincts. It is the function of culture to continuously shape adjustments between human instincts and social demands. Aesthetic sense is another name of the progress and evolution of human sensitivities. Left out of society, man would not be more than a brute. Fine arts are the most powerful means of individual purification and the collective self that elevate man from barbarism to the heights of nobility. Makhdoom refers to the contradictions a poet discovers between the world around and his internal universe. It is this contradiction that becomes a force for creative activity. On the creative process, Makhdoom says that a poet projects the conflicts between light and darkness hidden in his heart and the symbols of spiritual anguish and restlessness and moulds them in to poetic forms. Through this operation, the contradictions are resolved in to an integrated state of bliss (taskeen) and satisfaction (tamaaniyat).The poet, as a member of society, is always in conflict with and influenced by realities. Then, he retires into seclusion of the emotional world of his heart, undergoes spiritual anguish, creates poetry and, then, comes back from his internal world into the external world in order to converse intimately with humanity. He points out that it is this intimate relationship between external life and internal life of a poet– a significant state of being ‘with all’ (baa hamah) and ‘with none’ (be hamah)—that is distorted by a reactionary writer as ‘ego’ (anaa) and ‘individualism’ (infiraadiyat). Again, reflecting on the complex process of artistic creation, Makhdoom says that “ we touch the frontiers of the beyond in poetry but poetry (she‘r), itself, does not transcend society.” In this context, he thinks that, “poetry is not produced in leisure. The ghazals of Gul-i Tar have been written during intense social and political activities. I feel as if I am being forced to write; social demands have always been, mysteriously, pressing me to write.” He is never satisfied with what he has already written. Borrowing from a couplet of Iqbal, he feels that life every moment offers a new “ Toor” (Mount Sinai on which God spoke to Moses) and a new “barq-i tajalli” (Divine enlightenment). The preceding discussion of some of the salient features of the changing poetic vision of Makhdoom along with the changing social situations shows that he remained faithful and sincere to both Beauty (husn) and social realities as defined by Communism. It seems that there was some sort of mystic relationship between his artistic self and his socio-political activism. Borrowing metaphors from Urdu poetics, I am tempted to describe this dualism like this: Communism was his temple (but-khaanah) and poetry his Ka’bah. And, like true ahl-i tariqat ( the Sufies) Makhdoom had no difficulty in following both the Communist Shari‘ah and the poetic tariqah.